Doubts I told the UCC in the Spanish Government I’d like Ferraz to explain, (i): My agenda

As everyone knows Ferraz is the popular name for the headquarters of the Spain Socialist Workers Party.

i) Yesterday I wrote to the usual address, “Writing to the President” at the website La Moncloa, La Moncloa, The Palace of Moncloa or Moncloa Palace (Spanish: Palacio de la Moncloa) is the official residence and workplace of the President of the Government (Spanish: Presidente del Gobierno), a position usually known in the English language as the Prime Minister of Spain, this was  my 4th message, the previous 3 messages had an answer, some feedback, this 4th message:

You just have to double click on it but if even then it isn’t clear enough you can read (a) an English translation here:

Write to the president
successfully processed
Type of contact Personal
Name Fernando Santamaria Lozano
DNI|Passport|NIE PAI511219
Age 65-74
Gender I prefer not to specify
Phone 608337313
Country Spain
Postal Code 15704
Municipality Santiago de Compostela
Province A Coruña
Autonomous Community Galicia
E-mail fernando.santamaria.lozano@gmail.com
Subject Argumentary: the origin of the bicameral system
Message Dear President Sanchez, dear Mr. Bolaños, I propose to prepare about ten pages to present to the PSOE of Ferraz, a couple of people, to debate it and tell me, to the European Commission and the Agency for European Political Parties, was what I replied the European Ombudsman, the European Ombudsman, a woman, and Switzerland, the OHCHR … and write something theoretical about the genesis of the Spanish bicameral system for the NYT and the magazine of the Complutense. That the Senate blocks the initiatives of the Congress is not normal, it does not happen anywhere, normally it has reduced powers, it is absurd that it contradicts the chamber with legislative powers. The bicameralism comes from the Law for the Political Reform submitted to Referendum in 1974, which, from then on, the RD 20/1977, of March 18, and the EC include. Article two, one: The Cortes are composed of the Congress of Deputies and the Senate. The asymmetry, whereby the Congress of Deputies is composed of seats allocated by a proportional system, which gives a constellation of parties a chance, and the Senate is composed of seats allocated by a “majority” system, whereby those who have the most votes are elected, which eliminates those small parties, also goes back to the Law for Political Reform. The system is redundant, it always makes sure to fulfill its objectives by different means.

And the original message in Spanish language is this one:

Escribir al presidente

procesado con éxito

Tipo de contacto Personal

Nombre Fernando Santamaria Lozano

DNI|Pasaporte|NIE PAI511219

Edad 65-74

Género Prefiero no especificarlo

Teléfono 608337313

País España

Código postal 15704

Municipio Santiago de Compostela

Provincia A Coruña

Comunidad autónoma Galicia

Correo electrónico fernando.santamaria.lozano@gmail.com

Asunto Argumentario: el origen del sistema bicameral

Mensaje Estimados Presidente Sánchez, estimado Sr. Bolaños, me propongo preparar unos diez folios para presentar al PSOE de Ferraz, un par de personas, para queen algun momento lo debatan y me digan, a la Comisión Europea y la Agencia de Partidos Políticos Europeos, fue lo que me replicó el European Ombudsman, el Defensor del Pueblo Europeo, una mujer, y a Suiza, la OHCHR … y escribir algo teórico sobre la génesis del sistema bicameral español para el NYT y la revista de la Complutense. Que el Senado bloquee las iniciativas del Congreso no es normal, no pasa en ningún sitio, normalmente tiene competencias reducidas, es absurdo que contradiga a la cámara con competencias legislativas. El bicameralismo viene de la Ley para la Reforma Política sometida a Referéndum en 1974, que, a partir de ahí, el RD 20/1977, de 18 de marzo, y la CE recogen. Artículo segundo, uno: Las Cortes se componen del Congreso de Diputados y del Senado. La asimetría, por la que el Congreso de los Diputados se compone de escaños asignados, “allocated”, por un sistema proporcional, que da cancha a una constelación de partidos, y el Senado de escaños que se asignan por un sistema “mayoritario”, resultan electos los que tienen sin más más votos, que borra a esos partidos pequeños, también remonta la Ley para la Reforma Política. El sistema es redundante, siempre se asegura de cumplir sus objetivospor distintos medios.

i.i) I talked in i) about  “writ(ing)  something theoretical about the genesis of the Spanish bicameral system for the NYT and the magazine of the Complutense.” In fact, I had already contacted both by mail before writing that yesterday.

i.i.ii)

Two Galician Laws I don’t understand

FROM fernando.santamaria.lozano@gmail.com

TO corrections@nytimes.com

DATE Sept 9th, 2024, 1:05

I’ve been having a look at your articles about Spain, in the  section “Europe”, and I think you describe a quiet,non disruptive climate that not corresponds at all wiith the reañity here.
My name is Fernando Santamaria Lozano and I live in Santiago de Compostela. I’m sixty six years old. I’ve recently realized, maybe it’s a well known fact everywhere, Spain lacks a l law capable of framing elections in a reliable way.
The law that deals with electoral processes, the only law about that, is the LOREG 5/1985, Organic Law on General Electoral Regime. It was passed under one of the terms as president of Felipe Gonzalez Márquez. LOREG 5/1985 comes directly, emanates from an old Royal Decree 20/1977, March 18th, a pre-constitutional, Francoist text. With this Royal Decree 20/1977 LOREG 5/1985 shares two trraits:
* LOREG 5/1985 art. 97:3 states ballots must be destroyed “in the presence of those present”, worse: “in the presence of public”, as soon as votes are counted at the electoral colleges and their numbers copied  in records. This public destruction of ballots impedes results to be checked, makes impossible to audit elections.
* Besides this, , the first section of the LOREG, articles 8-30 puts an alleguedly verifying second or final count in charge of boards, there’s a succession, a pyramidal structure of them, composed of 5 members, 3 judges and 2 professors with an expertise in law or political science.
After the counting of the votes at the electoral colleges, an Spanish Information technology Corporation,which also intervenesin the elections, INDRA claims it transmits these results of each one of the electoral colleges to one huge data processing center where INDRA’s computers sum, make the aggregation of the numbers  that have been copied in those records
Thos boards of judges, then, with their second hand made count of the very same pieces of  paper INDRA computers had already totalized, check the results: tell if INDRA numbers are right or wrong.
These are two main characteristics of how elections are ruled in Spain:  destruction of ballots and a fake final check to which those boards of judges and professors only provide a fictitious, theatrical validation.
In 2006 I formed an Independentist Galician Party, UDNG, Union for a National Galician Democracy that was seriously concerned with the state  and the quality of laws in Spain: our aims were these ones: https://znetwork.org/zblogs/udng-statutes-a-series-of-proposals-to-north-american-left-wing-political-movements-or-for-an-option-among-lincoln-county-road-and-armaggedon/
I’d like to engage in some activism trying to convince the Government of the need to change that law, LOREG 5/1985.
The leader of el Partido Popular Español, Alberto Nuñez Feijoo, that had been the President of the Xunta de Galicia, thenn Galician Government since March 1st 2009 until 2020, is absolute contrary to any change in the way elections are ruled. For a number of reasons, I’ve become a sort of personal enemy of him, and, welll, life is not easy in Spain, where there haven’t been democratic elections since General Franco’s rebellion against the Republican Regime, 1936.
Alberto Nuñez Feijoo and his party speeches, behaviour seem only aimed to conquer an absolute power without caring at all for the people he wants to govern. I often thin he is derranged.
I’ve been writing in a blog for a couple of years, lots of entries on elections and electoral procerdures, a few other things.
A few days ago I found two laws signed by Nuñez Feijoo as President of the Galician Governmet that simply lack any sense.
* One can be read here, entry CXXVIII of this blog: it’s about the structure of a Galiician Observatory for Discrimination of Gender (I ‘m tryin to be literal): https://asuntosvarios.com/2024/09/05/mas-legislacion-de-feijoo-en-galicia-la-creacion-del-obsevatorio-de-la-didcriminacion-por-razon-de-genero/
* The other one is about “a council for favouring convivence is schools”, somethins that seems an obsession in the areas ruled by el Partido Popular Español: https://asuntosvarios.com/2024/09/05/i-disposiciones-generalesconselleria-de-cultura-educacion-y-ordenacion-universitariadecreto-8-2015-de-8-de-enero-por-el-que-se-desarrolla-la-ley-4-2011-de-30de-junio-de-convivencia-y-participaci/
I’m really scared about Feijoo and his partidaries conduct. They never argue, just repeat silly things, stupid slogans, and always keep that provocative smile.
I intended to write tonight to other person, but my e-mail, the safe e-mail I purchased from WordPress this afternoon doesn’t work. It’s impossible to get the @ sign typed. These kind of things are the daily experience of anyone who dares to mantain a critical attitude.
I know it’s difficult to believe it, but I often have the impression Feijoo is at the head of a band of mutants. Children, four years children,that should never have known about me, repeat histerically, when they encounter me in the street the despective, diminutive, form of the name of my wife, a sixty six years old retired teacher at the USC, the university here; or say nasty, obscene words about a Ghanaian woman I had been chatting with for a couple of years.
I don’t expect any reaction from you, but would appreciate you there, somehow, took into account the weird, too weird situation in Santiago de Compostela, Galicia and Spain. In the whole EuropE?
i.i.iii)
NYT Corrections 9 sept
FROM NYT Corrections corrections @nytimes.com
FOR fernando.santamaria.lozano@gmail.com
DATE sept 9t 2024, 1:05
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i.iv) El otro mensaje iba dirigido al Departamento de Periodismo y Comunicación Global Facultad de Ciencias de la Información, tiene fecha del 16 nov 2023. Había visto en su revista un estudio promovido por Albert Rivera y Pablo Iglesias hace años, en 2016 quizás, sobre las distorsiones producidas por aplicar la Ley D’Hondt sobre los resultados no proporcionales;  y les envié mi blog comentandoles esto:

Comentario
Hola, os envío el enlace a un blog que llevo escribiendo desde hace agosto de 2022. Me pregunto si publicariais algún artículo sobre alguno de los temas que trato, la historia de la legislación electoral en España, desde el Real Decreto 20/1977 que reguló las primeras elecciones libres hasta la LOREG de 1985, pasando por las disposiciones al respecto en la CE de 1978, practicamente sin cambios … Lo que supone que la LOREG, como el Real Decreto 20/1977 prescriban la destrucción de las papeletas tras el escrutinio en cada mesa electoral, impidiendo así la réplica de los resultados … No sé, podríais echarle un vistazo y, quizás sugerir vosotros un tema, podríamos estar en contacto.

 

 

 

 

 

 

El mismo día, 16 de septiembre de 2023,  recibí una respuesta, abriendo la posibilidad de pasar por la redaccion y hablarlo en persona.

 

Published by Fernando Santamaría Lozano

Barely a life, no bio.

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